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commit 8bd2397be7ced4c8b2b3ec3171ac9a0b706b6739
parent 3f4b45e09dd1f5307fdfb2984ba986faafea8541
Author: FIGBERT <figbert@figbert.com>
Date:   Sat, 16 Dec 2023 21:42:41 -0800

Add War of Return review and supporting files

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diff --git a/content/reading/_index.md b/content/reading/_index.md @@ -1,4 +1,8 @@ +++ +title = "Reading" +template = "books.html" +page_template = "book.html" +sort_by = "date" +insert_anchor_links = "left" +generate_feed = true +++ - -Coming soon! diff --git a/content/reading/war-of-return/index.md b/content/reading/war-of-return/index.md @@ -0,0 +1,364 @@ ++++ +title = "A Review That I Should Probably Have Saved For Another, Less Contentious Time But Nevertheless Did and Ultimately Enjoyed" +date = 2023-12-16 +[extra] +book = "The War of Return" +author = "Adi Schwartz and Einat Wilf" +finished = 2023-12-03 +rating = "★★★★☆" ++++ + +*The War of Return* is a book written by two self-described "prominent +Israeli leftists" that makes a bold claim in its subtitle: "Western +Indulgence of the Palestinian Dream Has Obstructed the Path to +Peace."[^1] The book was originally published, in Hebrew, in 2018. The +English translation debuted two years after in 2020. Three years later, +and three months after the October 7th attacks, those who hope for peace +seem to have more reason for despair than ever. I read *War of Return* +hoping for a fresh perspective. So together, let’s turn to co-authors +Adi Schwartz—an Israeli journalist formerly at Haaretz, the country’s +largest left-wing newspaper—and Einat Wilf—a former Labor party +politician—to discuss "the single largest obstacle to lasting peace" and +how we might go about solving this seemingly intractable conflict +capturing the attention of the world.[^2] + +<!-- more --> + +## The Narrative of the Conflict, as Recounted in *War of Return* +### You Probably Think You Know What the Arab-Israeli Conflict Is +The Arab-Israeli conflict, stretching now for over seven decades and +continuing to impact the lives of millions of people throughout the +Middle East, has had numerous near misses with peace. This is because of +a fundamentally incorrect assumption often held by Israeli and Western +negotiators that “this [is] a territorial conflict that [can] be solved +by partitioning the land into two states, that the Palestinians only +[want] a state of their own in the territories, and that the Israeli +occupation and the settlements [are] the primary obstacle preventing +peace.”[^3][^4] According to Schwartz and Wilf, they have misunderstood +the problem. + +In reality, our favorite co-authors say, this is an ideological conflict +over the very existence of Israel. It is an absolute rejection of +minority sovereignty in a region dominated by the Arabs, and it is not +new: “…the belief that Zionism was an outrageous injustice predated the +war and caused the Arabs to violently oppose the Jewish national +liberation movement many decades earlier.”[^5] The territorial framing +of the conflict is thus not conducive to a solution—no state, with any +borders, will appease a movement that feels like partition itself is an +injustice. + +> ...this was not a conflict between two national movements, each +> seeking first and foremost its own independence, but rather about one +> group (the Arabs) seeking first and foremost to foil the independence +> of another (the Jews).[^6] + +### What Does That Have to Do with Refugees? +Palestinians' claimed right of return, in the minds of Schwartz and +Wilf, is a deceptively named aspiration to negate Jewish +self-determination. There can be no democratic Jewish sovereignty where +Jews are a minority.[^7] It is thus that the Palestinian right of return +is "not merely about moving ten or twenty miles to homes left behind, +but primarily about returning to the time before the terrible defeat of +the Nakba and the establishment of the state of Israel," by making Jews +a minority in their own homeland.[^8] In essence, it is about rewinding +history and undoing the creation of the Jewish state. + +I myself misunderstood what was meant by "right of return" before +reading this book. As the phrase is used, the right of return is the +right of Palestinians to return not to a future Palestinian state in the +West Bank and Gaza—as I had believed, and supported—but in fact, to the +sovereign state of Israel. Return "could only be realized in the +territory of the state of Israel atop the ruins of the Jewish right of +self-determination.”[^9] To mandate a right of return to Israeli +territory is to reject "the principle of territorial partition" and a +two-state solution.[^10] + +*War of Return* attributes the creation of the refugee issue to this +rejection of the two-state solution by the Arabs. They argue that if the +Arabs had accepted partition in 1948 and established a state of their +own, no one would have been displaced:[^11] + +> ...it is a fact that the departure of the Arabs was a result of the +> war and only of the war. Before the Arabs waged war against partition, +> they did not leave their homes. The Arab flight and the refugees from +> the war were neither inevitable nor necessary nor inherent in +> Zionism.[^12] + +The blame for the displacement of the refugees, they claim, is +unflinchingly on the shoulders of the Arabs, not the Jews. No one is +entitled to the status quo ante: + +> Those who wage war to eliminate another people, and to prevent their +> achieving independence, cannot legitimately complain that “they +> suffered an exceptional injustice” when they lose and flee the +> land.[^13] + +Furthermore, according to Schwartz and Wilf, the legal right of return +simply does not exist: "No legal obligation or treaty existed that... +obliged Israel to let [Palestinians] return to its territory" in the +aftermath of the 1948 war.[^14] Flight and expulsions occurred +throughout the 20th century, including during this seminal war. Indeed, +unlike in Israel where an Arab minority remained after the war, "not a +single Jew remained in the areas conquered by Arab forces."[^15] + +How can it be that the Palestinian refugee problem still exists 75 years +later, and at a greater scale than its start? "The answer to why the +Palestinian refugee problem still exists lies neither in the conditions +of its birth nor in its scale nor in the number of victims: nothing here +is unique. The answer must lie elsewhere."[^16] That elsewhere, *War of +Return* posits, is in the refusal of the Arabs "to solve the [conflict] +by creating a new status quo in the Middle East" in which Jews and Arabs +could have exercised self-determination side-by-side—which was +accomplished through the political manipulation and exacerbation of the +Palestinian refugee issue.[^17] + +### The Tragic Ensuing Decades +Schwartz and Wilf argue that the critical issue is the Palestinians' +demand for return to Israel. Progress toward peace is made on all fronts +but return, the "one article that Israel [can] absolutely not agree to, +as it [entails] its very suicide."[^18] Return is instead silently +propped up by Arab support—all but guaranteeing a continued, violent +existence for Palestinians and all others in the region. Promising +initiatives to resettle hundreds of thousands of refugees in the +immediate aftermath of the 1948 war, in the Jordan Valley and the Sinai, +went nowhere. The "biggest rehabilitation project of the 1950s for +Palestinian refugees," a farm run by Musa Alami (a prominent Palestinian +nationalist), employed thousands of Palestinians in the Jericho +area—with a specific focus on orphans of the war—and grew orchards and +productive crops over thousands of dunams, with export contracts to +Saudi Arabia, fifty wells, and a school.[^19] It was leveled in 1955 by +Palestinians believing its existence would help "enable the resolution +of outstanding political disputes between the sides."[^20] + +The refugee issue, claim Schwartz and Wilf, is cynically manufactured +and perpetuated by Arab leaders. The long-term adoption of the position +that "improving the living conditions of a few hundreds of thousands of +refugees [is] less important than their war with Zionism" has led the +Arab world to the creation of a Palestinian refugee-hood that is +completely divorced from the experience of every other refugee +group.[^21] Indeed, Palestinian refugees are not governed by UNHCR, the +UN agency for refugees, but by their own temporary commission—UNRWA—the +regular extension of which "has become a quasi-automatic annual +tradition" at the United Nations.[^22] *War of Return* devotes a great +amount of effort to describing how UNRWA "was transformed from being a +failed agency for refugee rehabilitation to a very successful +organization for" halting progress in the Middle East.[^23] "For +decades," Schwartz and Wilf say, "UNRWA has sustained a parallel world +of policy and executive decisions that serve the Palestinian narrative +alone," and leave the Middle East in a radicalizing limbo that actively +works against peace.[^24] + +The list of UNRWA oddities is very, very long. Unlike all other groups, +UNRWA's "Palestine refugee" status is hereditary—resulting in a +registered population of over 5 million people from an initial group of +approximately 700,000 displaced Palestinians (see chart below). Unlike +all other groups, refugee status is not surrendered when additional +citizenship is achieved; indeed, 2.2 million UNRWA-registered refugees +are citizens of Jordan, but they retain their "refugee" status. +Astoundingly, these refugees make up 70% of Jordan's population: "It is +difficult, bordering on impossible, to get a consistent answer from +Jordanian officials to the question of how the Jordanian state sees its +own citizens."[^25] Another 2.2 million UNRWA-registered refugees live +in the West Bank and Gaza, territories allocated for the future +Palestinian state, making them refugees within their own future state. +An additional million are officially split between Syria and Lebanon, +territories where "most of them do not even reside... anymore."[^26] +Since the 1960s, "most of the [Palestinian] refugee camps were +neighborhoods of the Arab towns next to which they were built," with +housing markets and daily realities entirely different from the Western +image of vast, impoverished tent cities.[^27] Within these +refugee-camps-that-are-cities, Western-funded UNRWA-run schools teach +students "a narrative of victimhood, based on a singular, striking +injustice," which have resulted over time, Schwartz and Wilf believe, in +a direct connection between "the perpetuation of UNRWA for political +reasons to the emergence of" Palestinian terrorism.[^28] Thus, according +to Schwartz and Wilf, the purpose of the continued use and expansion of +refugee status in this situation is to perpetuate and reinforce the Arab +claim toward the right of return and its inherent goal of eliminating +Israel.[^29] + +![A chart of Palestine refugees over time, increasing from 0 in 1948 to +over 5 million in 2019](refugees.png) + +## So, Should You Read It? + +*The War of Return* is worth reading, but is difficult to synthesize. +The book is disorganized: it has a message it wishes to impress upon +you, but is not sufficiently clear and driven in doing so. It is without +a doubt the most thoroughly cited book I have ever encountered. A full +third of its page count is dedicated to footnotes and bibliography +alone.[^30] In an issue swimming in contentious Instagram infographics, +Schwartz and Wilf have brought the receipts.[^31] In doing so, however, +they interweave theory, history, and proscribed solutions in a manner +that leaves the reader with a significantly improved understanding of +the conflict but great difficulty summing up this new knowledge. The +book desperately needs a more linear structure. + +Additionally, assertions about Palestinian thought are found throughout +the book and can be difficult to prove true or false. How would one go +about assessing the claim that "the Palestinians' commitment to the idea +that they are still refugees and also possess a right of return to the +state of Israel is deeply embedded in the Palestinian identity and its +collective ethos?"[^32] Schwartz and Wilf proffer that it "is an issue +on which no Palestinian political opposition or dissent exists," which +is perhaps as good a proxy as you will find.[^33] I don't necessarily +doubt that it is correct that there is a cultural narrative of +"perpetual injustice" in the Palestinian camp, but I am cognizant of the +fact that it is difficult to prove definitively. The book's arguments +are made weaker by their occasional reliance on alleged Palestinian +beliefs, as opposed to evidence of action. + +Furthermore, the book's critique of the West—which we are led to believe +by the subtitle will be severe—is, in essence, that it has failed to +sufficiently counter anti-Israel extremism in the Arab world. The book +makes a compelling argument that this is the case, and that +"geostrategic interests" (read: oil) have muddled what would otherwise +be clear opposition to an ideology that seeks to eliminate a UN member +state.[^34] Still, this strikes me as a somewhat confusing target for +criticism in this case when it may be more appropriate to condemn the +Arab extremists themselves. + +With that said: this book managed to significantly change my thinking on +the conflict. As someone who thinks about this a fair amount, I would +consider that on its face to be a significant endorsement. If that's not +enough of an endorsement, here's another one: you should probably read +this book. I now realize that I did not at all understand the +Palestinian refugee issue before reading this book, and in its aftermath +feel confident and prepared in its discussion. Schwartz and Wilf did not +challenge my fundamental view of the conflict, but they gave me a much +clearer understanding of the refugee issue, which has profound +implications. + +*The War of Return* has been a timely read ever since its publication. +Indeed, in the ensuing years, very few of the foundational facts and +conditions it addresses have experienced any shift; the Arab-Israeli +conflict had reached somewhat of a standstill. + +It is the "fervent hope [of Schwartz and Wilf] that in writing this book +[they] contribute in a meaningful way to real and lasting peace." As +such, their proposals need adjustment.[^35] With the outbreak of the +Israel-Hamas War in the aftermath of October 7th, there is potential for +a serious shift in the history of the conflict. + +After the war is over, there may be an opportunity—for the first time in +a long time—for meaningful change. The parties must move quickly to +final-status negotiations, to bring a conclusion to the violence that +has plagued our peoples for decades. We can no longer think about slow +change. Two states, for two peoples, as originally envisioned by the +United Nations in 1947 as "lawful, moral, and legitimate" solution.[^36] +In order for that to happen we must be guided, in part, by the book's +total refusal of the right of return: + +> When Palestinians complain that recognizing a Jewish state means +> relinquishing the right of return, the response should be, "Yes, that +> is exactly what it means."[^37] + +If indeed we stand, surrounded by violence, on the precipice of +peace—the storm before the calm, if you will—then this book stands to be +more relevant than ever. + +--- + +[^1]: In the interest of full transparency, I will admit here that the +subtitle begins with the word “How,” which I have not included in the +quotation for the purpose of sentence flow. + +[^2]: Literal, ["The War of Return"](https://literal.club/book/the-war-of-return-24grq). + +[^3]: Schwartz and Wilf, *The War of Return*, 55 + +[^4]: As you read this review, you may find yourself confused, thinking: +"These citations seem to imply that *War of Return* has thousands of +pages. That seems unlikely." You would be correct. I read *War of +Return* on a Kindle, and thus have had great difficulty finding stable +page numbers. Instead, I have provided a "location." You may ask +yourself: "How do I use a location?" To which I respond, "This is a +question for Amazon." For now, I will simply apologize in advance. + +[^5]: Schwartz and Wilf, *The War of Return*, 131. + +[^6]: Id. at 148. + +[^7]: This is just definitional—you'd get outvoted. You can also look at +historical examples: there was no self-determination by Jews in Arab +countries, or the United States, or anywhere else that Jews lived. One +needs a majority. + +[^8]: Schwartz and Wilf, *The War of Return*, 761. + +[^9]: Id. at 2448. + +[^10]: Id. at 2961. + +[^11]: It is left unaddressed how fledgling Israel would have handled a +much larger Arab minority. In the modern day, Israeli Arabs make up +around 20% of the population. + +[^12]: Schwartz and Wilf, *The War of Return*, 387. + +[^13]: Id. at 436. + +[^14]: Id. at 907. + +[^15]: Id. at 416. + +[^16]: Id. at 496. + +[^17]: Id. at 1398. + +[^18]: Id. at 2961. + +[^19]: Id. at 1631. + +[^20]: Id. at 1329. + +[^21]: Id. at 1474. + +[^22]: Id. at 1953. + +[^23]: Id. at 2248. + +[^24]: Id. at 3559. + +[^25]: Id. at 3785. + +[^26]: Id. at 3516. + +[^27]: Id. at 2065. + +[^28]: Id. at 2496. + +[^29]: I would like to note, at this point, that there is a lot more to +say about UNRWA. In fact, there are probably several books worth of +things to be said about UNRWA. If you want to read one such book, you +should definitely read *War of Return*! There are comparisons of budget +details and staffing numbers between UNRWA and UNHCR, analysis of the +success of other major UN revitalization agencies like UNKRA and why +that didn't happen with UNRWA, and more. But, for the purpose of this +review, we have to move on. Apologies. + +[^30]: I love footnotes. I especially like when they are humorous, +instead of just page citations, which I realize this review—much like +*War of Return* itself—lacks. So here is one in compensation. + +[^31]: Including but not limited to archives from the UN, Israel, US, +UK, and Al Jareeza's Palestine Papers, interviews with high-ranking +Israeli politicians and military figures, and a wealth of books, +articles, reports, and position papers from throughout the conflict's +long history. + +[^32]: Schwartz and Wilf, *The War of Return*, 3246 + +[^33]: Ibid. + +[^34]: Id. at 1309. + +[^35]: One such adjustment, if Schwartz and Wilf are taking suggestions, +would be to address the rise of the new Israeli right. Netanyahu's +current government contains a minister with a conviction for terrorism; +their book was published before this latest example of extremism from +the Jewish side, and I would hope an updated version would address this. + +[^36]: Schwartz and Wilf, *The War of Return*, 1006. + +[^37]: Id. at 3408. diff --git a/content/reading/war-of-return/refugees.png b/content/reading/war-of-return/refugees.png Binary files differ. diff --git a/templates/book.html b/templates/book.html @@ -0,0 +1,15 @@ +{% extends "index.html" %} +{% block content %} + <article> + <section id="article-header"> + <h1><a href="{{ current_url }}">{{ page.title }}</a></h1> + <small> + <i>{{ page.extra.book }}</i> by {{ page.extra.author }}. <br/> + Finished on {{ page.extra.finished | date(format="%B %d, %Y") }}. <br/> + Rating: {{ page.extra.rating }} <br/> + <a href="..">&lt; Back</a> + </small> + </section> + {{ page.content | safe }} + </article> +{% endblock content %} diff --git a/templates/books.html b/templates/books.html @@ -0,0 +1,18 @@ +{% extends "index.html" %} +{% block content %} + {% if section.content %} + {{ section.content | safe }} + {% endif %} + <ul id="section-list"> + {% for page in section.pages %} + <li> + <a href="{{ page.permalink }}" id="section-title">{{ page.extra.book }}</a> + <div class="summary"> + By: {{ page.extra.author }} <br/> + Finished: {{ page.extra.finished | date(format="%B %d, %Y") }} <br/> + Rating: {{ page.extra.rating }} + </div> + </li> + {% endfor %} + </ul> +{% endblock content %}